The italian situation

Intervention on behalf of the Università popolare Antonio Gramsci.


The italian situation

In the use of the common and dominant language, accredited and widely experimented with generic terms and empty content, it hides the modification of the general intelligence not only of the economic phase and transformations, but also of the cultural, ideological and political changes that have taken place in Italy from at least the 1960s to today. The importance of this critical opacity, knowingly induced by successive governments with all the information channels available, but also implemented by unions and political parties that should have formed and kept alive the conscience of the subordinate classes, was that of to translate into political-economic returns the defeat of the subordinate classes, disoriented by the neo-corporative drift of the democratic institutions of this country.

The disinformation, strengthened by the many diversions offered to replace the understanding of everyday reality, has thus adequately accompanied the succession of labor laws aimed at the progressive elimination of social rights, wisely emanated in milestones spaced and therefore not understood by weakened defensive abilities, eroded both theoretically and practically. Shattered and flawless cultural-political left - ousted by democratic institutions through an agreed suicide as subaltern recognition of its powerlessness, with the result of demonstrating connivance with the legal and illegal aims of the state serving the bosses - regressions towards authoritarian governments set up for the realization of despotic objectives, easily followed.

The fall of proletarian internationalism and the progressive development of forms of mondialization of the capitalist economy (whereas the term “globalization” hides the hierarchy among countries) have also determined the loss of the objectives linked to the transition process, of effective democratization of society and the state to be achieved within an articulation between “formal” and “substantial” democratic istitutions. Both in the real course of the last half century and in the ideological forms that accompanied it, the so-called rule of law - identifiable with a system of rules - has been absolutely dominant, of which the authoritarian nature of the liberal state has been continually concealed, delivered to us by tradition, linked now also to subordination to NATO, or to the US, to the Vatican and to the forces of the most reactionary conservation. The persistence and deepening of the structural crisis from overproduction now brings out the destructive aspect of: the social networks, eminently in the work precarization with an increase in absolute and relative impoverishment rates, and the environmental impact, only assessed as cost savings.

In this sense we must also consider the contradictory contribution of the mafias, originating from some Italian regions, but now spread internationally and included in many sectors of the so-called legal economy and in social, political and institutional ganglia. To have only one measure of the extent of the problem, UNODC, the United Nations Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention, estimates the flows of money recycled around 2/5% of the global GDP, about 1,000 - $ 2 trillion. The destructiveness that their existence involves towards the territory, the environment, the exploitation at work, shows the indelible persistence of the “so-called original accumulation” of Marxian memory, in which oppression, violence, arbitrariness, robbery, fraud, etc., are constituent elements and not just presuppositions in the capital system. This currently finds ample space for the support that money from drug trafficking or corruption in general, pillaging public resources of the state, etc. provides to markets, including financial ones, to the economy, to banks mostly available for recycling. Calculation, comfort, blackmail, interest, ignorance, institutional weakness, etc. they operate in regulatory deficiencies and in clandestinity, thus protected from a private social struggle of real analysis, instead relegated to the alone heroic efforts of a few magistrates who are in constant danger of life.

The bourgeois right, which in the enslaved state regulates the maintenance of the inequality of the classes based on the power of private accumulation, has recently produced a further leap in quality regarding the despotic raising of legislation, through government decrees produced by an executive power trained to the reiterated exhortation of the parliamentary function. To cite only the latest decree, in order of time, on “Immigration and security”, it presents elements of unconstitutionality in the dismantling of the rights of refugees, as more vulnerable categories, as well as in the revocation of citizenship to former foreigners; in the suspension of the right asylum; in the planned ghettoization; in the reduction to public order of political demonstrations or of disobedience and social dissent; in the provision of electric impulse weapons to police and municipal vigilance, etc., according to the model of the current measures of rejection of the poor implemented by Trump, such as the denial of the right of citizenship to those born in the USA by recent immigrants.

In Italy, with this decree, bourgeois-legality is used to exacerbate class relations which are feared to increase in conflict, thus preventing possible control and/or containment by means of coercive instruments specific to law and police repression. The security is in fact that solely aimed at the defense of private property that, in the use of migratory flows to maintain or strengthen the command at work, fears that these can be backfired if it does not provide regulations on time, whose consent is achieved with the use of social fear. The capitalistic centralization and populism, not authentically historical, today in government, are two sides of the same coin: the preservation of the social order through a national identity contradictory with the same international stage of capital, reaffirmed on old tools of borders, homeland, ethnicity or race, to foment the racist division of religion, etc. used to replace the inability of this system to meet the increased needs of humanity.

The objective rarefaction of the middle class (small industrialists, rentiers, traders, etc.) driven towards an unstoppable proletarianization, the political shift of the working aristocracy towards forms of reaction, the social destabilization due to the increase in misery, dialectical outfit of capital accumulation now in perpetual crisis, have demanded, and still impose, racism, “terrorism”, immigration as a social threat, etc. The increase in competition between workers, confined between precarious and “unemployment”, or the international stagnant reserve army on call, use numerous models of political leaders such us Trump, Le Pen, Farage, Orban, Erdogan, Bolsonaro now also Salvini-Di Maio, with due differences, etc. The previous political right/left alternation now gives way to the right/despotism phase of the law of accumulation in the face of the contradictory nature of the globalization of the commodity market - including that of labor-power - with the restoration of state borders, walls, barbed wire, to filter the labor-force worthless (because not yet sold!), inevitable identification of human persons to conquer their life already destined to death. G.W.F. Hegel had already spoken about this case in the nineteenth century, as the “right of extreme need”, the right to life, in itself ethically and politically legitimized by the political revolution.

History shows its regressions determined and therefore different, or repetitions in the form of farce: if this is the case, the new “fascism” of the third millennium will also perhaps be harder for the lower classes - as more compacted internationally and more supported by the legality of arbitrariness, (only apparently an oxymoron), more or less legitimized by the popular consensus - but must be recognized in its diversified forms, not in those of immediate and superficial similarity. It seems that a temporal inversion is taking place between “formal submission” and “real submission” of capital, in the sense that the ongoing development of productive forces (robotics combined with more or less dependent human labor, or automatic system of new capital machines), can not be fully used due to the inadequacy of the social organization, also due to insufficient social control. In other words, the development of the productive forces proceeds at a brisk pace, with respect to the organization of social relations. This resistance to change is a sign of both strength and weakness of the system.

It is in this weakness that we must investigate to increase its scope with the widest possible competition of social forces, conscientious or not, rejecting all sorts of sectarianism. The increase in innovation to be introduced into the production process therefore results in less accumulation, which requires structural restraints and structural crystallization to the political superstructures. The problem is therefore not only Italian, that is national, but must be framed in the laws of malfunctioning of the economic system of which the states are now the organizers no longer sovereign, but over-sovranized by international institutions such as IMF, World Bank, WTO, EU. All this requires a rigorous study of the theoretical struggle - which at the moment does not seem essential to the communist conscience - of which even the tools or worse the mental abilities and cultural references have been dispersed. The persistence, however, of elements still reminiscent of the class struggle matured in the previous two centuries and the presence of young people capable of reacting to the fanfare of the homologation to the decline of prevailing dehumanization, induces to maintain the commitment to regain a theoretical struggle, initiated by our political fathers, leading to the realization of a minimum program of resistance and upgrading of the workforce, in this near future of the world class.

28/04/2019 | Copyleft © Tutto il materiale è liberamente riproducibile ed è richiesta soltanto la menzione della fonte.

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L'Autore

Carla Filosa

La città futura

“Sono partigiano, vivo, sento nelle coscienze della mia parte già pulsare l’attività della città futura che la mia parte sta costruendo. E in essa la catena sociale non pesa su pochi, in essa ogni cosa che succede non è dovuta al caso, alla fatalità, ma è intelligente opera dei cittadini. Non c’è in essa nessuno che stia alla finestra a guardare mentre i pochi si sacrificano, si svenano. Vivo, sono partigiano. Perciò odio chi non parteggia, odio gli indifferenti.”

Antonio Gramsci

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